Political Analysis: The Syrian Revolution and the Palestine Issue

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By: Prof. Dr. Mohsen Mohammad Saleh.

The Former Regime and Its Problematic Approach to Palestine:

The fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime marks the end of 61 years of Baath Party rule and 53 years of Assad family control over Syria, a period dominated by a sectarian dictatorship disguised as nationalism. The Syrian regime promoted slogans of resistance and support for it, refrained from recognizing or normalizing relations with Israel, and hosted Hamas and its leadership from 2000 to 2011, providing logistical support. However, the regime was plagued by fundamental issues, most notably its obsession with controlling the Syrian people and suppressing their freedom of expression. It failed to harness the energies, talents and potential of the Syrian population. The regime, already a dictatorship, became a brutally repressive state in response to the Syrian popular revolution that began in 2011. Simultaneously, it maintained a quiet stance in its long-standing confrontation with Israel, enduring over 3,500 Israeli strikes in the past 12 years without ever retaliating against the Israeli occupation.

The alliance with foreign powers, initially formed to support his “steadfastness” against the “global conspiracy” and bolster his “resistance,” has instead become one focused on suppressing the will of the Syrian people rather than confronting the occupation, all while maintaining a state of dictatorship and widespread political, economic and security corruption. Syria has paid a heavy price in the form of over 600 thousand deaths, 1.9 million wounded, and 13.5 million refugees and displaced persons both inside and outside the country, along with economic losses and destruction from the internal conflict, estimated between $400 billion and $700 billion. As a result, 90% of Syrians now live below the poverty line, while escalating sectarian and ethnic tensions have further torn Syria apart… This devastation has set Syria back decades, not only hindering its potential for revival and prosperity but also weakening its ability to confront the Israeli enemy.

What is striking is that the powers supporting the Syrian regime during the popular revolution (2011–2024), including Iran, its allies and Russia, recently called for the will of the Syrian people to be realized following the revolution’s victory. Had they done so from the beginning, the Syrian regime and its allies would not have caused such widespread bloodshed, destruction, or stoked sectarian and ethnic tensions. In 2011, the Syrian people were willing to negotiate with Assad toward a peaceful solution and could have minimized regional and international intervention. However, the regime chose a security and military response instead.

The failed, besieged, and beaten civilian revolution found itself vulnerable to opportunistic Arab and international forces seeking to co-opt it and distort its direction. Despite these challenges, the core of the revolution—the suffering and aspirations—remained intact.

Could there have been genuine resistance to the Zionist project if it overlooked the Syrian people? Would the regime’s alliance with foreign backers have constituted a true framework for confronting the Israeli occupation, given that it is already strained and preoccupied with managing its own domestic constituency?

There is a profound truth in the idea that “the liberation of the land begins with the liberation of the human being.” Anyone committed to a genuine liberation project must first free the people, enabling them to embrace the values of freedom, pride, dignity, faith, sacrifice, and reliance on Allah, while unlocking their energy and potential, as demonstrated in the examples of Gaza Strip and the Palestinian interior. It is about preserving human dignity, not degrading it or reducing people to a state of fear, constantly haunted by the regime’s power and its political, security and economic corruption… This recurring mistake of tyrannical, corrupt Arab regimes, as well as of coups and revolutionary governments that claimed to champion Palestine, is that they have oppressed and humiliated their own people. How can a people fight for their land and liberation when they are enslaved, terrified and stripped of freedom and dignity?
The Authentic Syrian People”:

The Syrian people, alongside Palestinians, Jordanians and Lebanese, are indigenous to Bilad al-Sham and integral to its ancient heritage. The artificial borders imposed by the Sykes-Picot colonial divisions cannot diminish their shared identity and connection. Therefore, the people of Syria share an equal stake in the Palestine issue alongside their brothers in Palestine. Their ability to stand firm, foster unity, achieve revival and build strength is integral to the comprehensive project for the liberation of Palestine. Whatever the regime’s position, the Syrian people’s stance on Palestine has always been ahead of their political regime—firm, deep, sincere and unwavering. This support is not driven by interests or tactics, but is a part of their very identity. Therefore, it was not surprising that the Palestinian resistance acknowledged this and chose not to be used as a tool by the regime against its own people. As a result, it was forced to leave and lose its main strategic base abroad, in alignment with its own values and in recognition of the Syrian people’s role. Isma‘il Haniyyah was right when he said, “When one supports us with truth, it doesn’t mean we’ll support their wrong actions.”

The Syrian people now have a genuine opportunity to express their will after the revolution leadership took power in Damascus, which presents an authentic and compelling case—not a superficial or pretentious one for Palestine. This shift will pose even greater challenges to the Zionist project in the future.

The Risks are Real:

This does not mean the conspiracies and threats against Syria and its people have disappeared; they remain as intense as ever. The new government in Syria will face intense challenges as forces attempt to dilute the revolution’s essence, exploit its momentum, shift its direction, and exploit political funds, sectarian incitement, military and security interventions, media campaigns, and demonization tactics to achieve their goals.

The US, Israel and regional regimes will push their own agendas, imposing their paths and standards, which could make it risky for Syria to emerge from its ordeal. We’ve seen how Israel has violated Syria’s sovereignty by occupying the buffer zone and advancing inland. Within four days, it bombed over five hundred sites, destroying much of Syri’s aviation, air defense, missile systems and warships, aiming to neutralize the country’s military capabilities. This action appears to be an effort to establish early security and military conditions in Syria, even before the rebels can seize power.

The Current Requirements for Palestine

It is neither required nor expected for the ruling leaders in Damascus to declare war on the Israeli occupation. Given the circumstances and priorities, their focus must remain on Syrian unity, a reasonable transition of power, the return of the displaced, and establishing the minimum conditions necessary for recovery in a devastated, looted and destroyed country. However, the leadership of the new Syrian government can now:

1. Condemn the Israeli aggression against its territory, sovereignty and people, emphasizing that it will not stand idly by in the face of such actions. Call on the international community and its institutions to condemn and halt Israeli practices.

2. Declare a firm and unwavering stance on Jerusalem and Palestine, supporting the Palestinian people, their resistance, their right to liberate their land and holy sites, and the return of their refugees. Also, condemn the Israeli aggression against the Gaza Strip and Palestine, calling for an immediate end to the aggression and the lifting of the siege.

3. Reject normalization with Israel and affirm solidarity with the will of the Syrian people, as well as the broader Arab and Muslim Ummah (nations), in opposing the Israeli occupation and its crimes.

These positions will strengthen the Syrian people’s support for the new government and serve as a leverage within the Arab and Muslim Ummah. They will silence those who remain skeptical of the Syrian revolution, its agenda and its loyalties. Some members of the revolution, fearful of their stance, believe that silence or marginalizing the issue of Palestine will benefit them. However, this will not alter the reality of the Israeli-US-Western interventions and the normalized Arab environments opposing them. Instead, it will erode the popular support and credibility of the Syrian revolution, opening the door for others to exploit this and undermine the Syrian people’s efforts.